As I look back to my formative years, particularly during my time at Oxford as a student of philosophy and economics in the early 90s and my tenure as a young IPS officer, it is impossible to deny the profound influence of the recently deceased Dr Manmohan Singh. He was an economist and central banker of international repute in the 1970s and 80s, who then went on to shepherd the national economy in the time of extreme crisis in 1991 before becoming, in a strange twist of fate, the “accidental” 14th Prime Minister of India.
It is perhaps safe to say that his legacy as India’s finance minister for five years is far more universally acclaimed than his tenure as prime minister for a decade. Even as I was grappling with the esoteric intricacies of the dismal science, Singh was capturing the imagination of an entire generation of Indians all over the world with his dismantling of the licence permit raj and opening the economy to unprecedented levels of foreign goods and investment. The shift from a protectionist stance to a more liberalised economy was, of course, a topic of vigorous discussion among my peers and professors. For once, the ivory towers of academia and the corridors of power in Lutyens’ Delhi were in broad agreement. The national potential for growth and prosperity that was unleashed as a direct consequence of his actions as finance minister remains an unfolding story. It certainly played a huge role in my decision to come straight back to India after completing my degree in 1993.
After a brief stint in advertising and a slightly longer stint in journalism, I landed in the Indian Police Service (IPS) in 1996. One began to appreciate that the economic reforms piloted by Singh not only embodied a vision for a more dynamic and prosperous India but a more secure, more stable and more peaceful India as well. The symbiotic link between economic prosperity and national security seems all too obvious now. But before 1991, our public discourse on these matters was fragmented and conflicting, to say the least.
It was in the ninth year of my service in the IPS, the year 2005, that I got my first opportunity to meet Singh in person. He had just finished his first year as PM and, in a novel experiment, decided to hold two separate day-long conferences with district magistrates and superintendents of police from all over the country. Our seniors in the service spent the best part of two months helping us prepare for what was a unique and extremely rare opportunity to interact with the highest political office. There were preparatory sessions at the regional level, and we had prepared nearly half a dozen presentations on different topics to sensitise the prime minister about the grassroots-level challenges of policing and protecting India. There was a palpable sense of expectation and optimism amongst the police fraternity that this interaction would mark an inflection point in addressing the systemic issues that have plagued policing in post-independence India.
Alas, it was not meant to be. The day-long interaction was first cut down to half a day. Eventually, we ended up with barely 60 minutes of interaction, which consisted of a highly compressed presentation that skimmed over everything, the PM’s own remarks and barely 10 minutes for questions. I remember a moment of insouciant exuberance when I raised my hand, introduced myself as a fellow economist from Oxford, and then asked him a question about the chronic and crippling under-investment in policing by treating it as an item of revenue expenditure at the central and state level. In response, he heard me out with a wry smile and promised to do something about it.
His reply to my unscripted question was measured yet incisive. He emphasised the importance of strengthening police forces through not only institutional reforms but also by fostering community trust and cooperation. He spoke of the need for comprehensive strategies that would involve local populations in the governance process, reiterating that internal security starts with the community itself. His words resonated with me and highlighted that reform is not just about policies; it is about people and their engagement in making our society safer. For a while, it did seem that we would be witness to structural changes that would transform policing in India. In the 19 years that have elapsed since that exchange, policing in India has seen improvements. But the changes that did take place on his watch fell well short of what was desirable or even possible.
If one were to dispassionately assess Singh’s legacy on the policing and internal security front, a few issues stand out. On the debit side, his time at the helm saw the continuation of spectacular terror strikes across India, of which the carnage in Mumbai on 26/11 remains the most egregious example. His tenure also saw an unprecedented spike in the spread and influence of left-wing extremism in the heart of India. Kashmir remained a flash point, even though elections were held at regular intervals and the level of violence came down significantly. Crimes against women occupied centre stage after the Nirbhaya case. Allegations of high-level corruption, especially during UPA II, not only dented the image of the government but also tested the credibility and competence of our investigating agencies.
On the credit side, he presided over the creation of the National Investigation Agency (NIA), the National Technical Research Organisation (NTRO) and the National Intelligence Grid (NATGRID), three important institutions at the central level that are now at the forefront of the battle against organised crime and terrorism. In the wake of the Mumbai attack, the National Security Guard (NSG) was strengthened considerably. The Central Armed Police Forces (CAPF) also underwent massive expansion during his time as PM. The introduction of the Aadhar card also provided a valuable tool for law enforcement. On the legal side, the introduction of important changes in the UAPA, as well as the notification of the PMLA rules under his watch, gave considerable teeth to law enforcement agencies.
Reflecting on Singh’s record, one clearly sees his ideological commitment towards a multi-faceted strategy towards security—one that involved not just policing and military action but also community engagement, socio-economic development, and institutional reform. On balance, it is fair to say that his tenure as PM was transformative for policing in India, but a lot more could have been achieved. India’s internal security successes in the decade since May 2014, especially our collective success in thwarting terror attacks on our cities, combating naxalism and curbing separatism in Kashmir, in greater decisiveness and clarity on all aspects of national security and policing, clearly demonstrate where he might have fallen short. Perhaps history will be kinder to him, but more so as a visionary finance minister and less so as an “accidental” prime minister. The contrast between wishful thinking and muddled action of his time on internal security and the grim determination and decisive action of the current government to see things through is too sharp and obvious.
Looking back, I realise how fortunate I was to study and engage with his ideas at a critical juncture in India’s history. His legacy survives not merely through the post-1991 economic policies that govern our nation but also through the personal example of civility and integrity, an ethos that ought to influence all public servants in uniform committed to ensuring the safety and security of our people. As one navigates the challenges of internal security at a more senior level, I am more mindful that better policing lies at the intersection of economic empowerment, community trust, and comprehensive governance—principles that Singh so passionately advocated and percolated through more than five decades of dignified and selfless service to the nation. For adding the narrative of prosperity and economic reform to the idea of India, we will always owe a debt of gratitude to this remarkably erudite and uncommonly dignified son of India.
The writer is a serving IPS officer. Views are personal.
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