(The Indian Express has launched a new series of articles for UPSC aspirants written by seasoned writers and scholars on issues and concepts spanning History, Polity, International Relations, Art, Culture and Heritage, Environment, Geography, Science and Technology, and so on. Read and reflect with subject experts and boost your chance of cracking the much-coveted UPSC CSE. In the following article, Anudeep Gujjeti examines India’s water diplomacy.)
Prime Minister Narendra Modi was on a two-day visit to Mauritius, where he announced that the two countries have decided to elevate the status of the India-Mauritius partnership to “enhanced strategic partnership”. This is being seen as part of New Delhi’s broader strategy to solidify its alliance with island countries in the Indian Ocean region, where China has been expanding its footprint.
China’s plan to build the world’s largest dam on the Brahmaputra River is a case in point, raising serious concern for India as a lower riparian state. The situation highlights the need for revisiting water-sharing agreements and analysing the complexities of water diplomacy not only between India and China but also with other neighbouring countries, including Pakistan.
Transboundary rivers, such as the Brahmaputra River and the Indus River, are crucial determinants of regional stability, and effective water diplomacy is vital for promoting cooperation and mitigating conflict over shared resources. The Helsinki Rules of 1966 on the “Uses of the Waters of International Rivers” provide guidelines for the use of transboundary rivers. Let’s examine some of India’s water-sharing treaties with its neighbouring countries.
Indus Waters Treaty
The Indus Waters Treaty (IWT) has been in the news recently in relation to Pakistan’s objections to the design features of India’s two hydroelectric projects – the Kishenganga and the Ratle hydroelectric projects – in Jammu and Kashmir.
The IWT was signed by India and Pakistan on September 19, 1960, to determine the distribution of the waters of the Indus and its tributaries. It was brokered by the World Bank and signed in Karachi by then Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru and then Pakistan President Ayub Khan. The IWT established a framework which enabled the equitable administration of the Indus River system regardless of political tensions that grew between India and Pakistan.
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The terms of the treaty gave India full control of the eastern basin rivers including Ravi, Beas, and Sutlej whereas Pakistan received exclusive access to western basin rivers namely Indus, Jhelum, and Chenab while allowing Indian facilities for “non-consumptive usage” such as hydroelectric power productions.
The “Permanent Indus Commission” is an essential element of the treaty through which both sides share data while forming part of an established three-step dispute resolution framework. The two remaining provisions allow disputes to be resolved through a Neutral Expert while the Court of Arbitration represents another dispute resolution mechanism.
In relation to the differences between India and Pakistan over the former’s two hydroelectric projects, the Neutral Expert appointed by the World Bank under the terms of the treaty decided that he is “competent” to adjudicate on the differences regarding the design of two projects, vindicating New Delhi’s long-held position.
In the more than six decades of the treaty’s existence, India first issued notice to Pakistan in January 2023 seeking “modification” of the treaty. The notice was issued in response to Islamabad’s continued “intransigence” in implementing the IWT by raising repeated objections to the two projects.
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After the attacks at Uri in 2016, Prime Minister Modi famously said that blood and water could not flow together. Thus, India’s stance can be seen as signalling a shift in its water diplomacy.
India-Bangladesh water-sharing agreements
India and Bangladesh share 54 rivers. To effectively address issues of mutual interest on common/border/trans-boundary rivers, the Indo-Bangladesh Joint Rivers Commission (JRC) began its operations in 1972 as a bilateral mechanism.
During the monsoon season, the Water Resources Ministries of India and Bangladesh collaborate through the commission to oversee flood forecasting along with water distribution across the main transboundary rivers, including Ganga, Teesta, Brahmaputra and Barak. A major development in this bilateral cooperation occurred when the Ganga Water Treaty was signed on December 12, 1996 by the then Indian Prime Minister H D Deve Gowda and his Bangladeshi counterpart Sheikh Hasina.
The treaty ensured the fair sharing of river water after the construction of the Farakka Barrage. During Hasina’s last visit to India in June – weeks before her regime was toppled in August 2024 – the two sides announced that technical negotiations had begun for the renewal of the 1996 Treaty. The treaty is up for renewal in 2026 after the completion of the technical dialogues.
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The Teesta water-sharing treaty is another key bilateral agreement between the two countries. However, talks on the agreement remained stuck since 2011 because West Bengal’s Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee continues to oppose the negotiations.
The Teesta water-sharing issue is a point of contention between the two countries. Bangladesh depends significantly on Teesta’s water for agriculture and consumption, while Mamata Banerjee had pointed out that if Teesta’s water is shared with Bangladesh, lakhs of people in north Bengal will be severely affected.
Although the Ganga Water Treaty has been successful, the water flow reduction along with India’s dam construction continues to be an ongoing point of contention between the two countries. Despite this, the treaty has been seen as a model in transboundary water management.
Water-sharing arrangement between India and Nepal
The water cooperation between Nepal and India started under British India in 1894 even before Nepal and India officially engaged as independent nations. The Sarada Agreement marked the beginning of formal water-sharing agreements between the two countries. The treaty allowed the construction of the Banbassa barrage on the Mahakali River (also known as Sarada in India) to provide irrigation facilities to both countries.
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Nepal obtained the right to use a minimum of 1000 cubic feet per second (cusecs) in the summer season and a maximum of 150 cusecs of water during the winter season from the Sarada Canal. However, Nepal began maximising these resources through the Mahakali Irrigation Project only after its completion in 1997.
The Koshi Agreement of 1954 facilitated the construction of the Hanuman Nagar flood control barrage, but Nepal requested amendments in 1966 because of concerns over sovereignty and unsatisfactory irrigation yields. Similarly, the Gandak Agreement underwent amendments in 1964 after its original signing in 1959 to allow India to construct the Bhaisalotan Barrage. However, Nepal struggled to achieve the expected water delivery.
Under the Mahakali Treaty of 1996, multiple agreements were combined to establish the Pancheshwar Multipurpose Project for power generation and flood control benefits. The water-access concerns of Nepal remain unresolved because implementation delays and political challenges delayed project execution.
India-Bhutan hydropower cooperation
It is understood that one of the strongest pillars of the India-Bhutan ties is the development of hydropower which began in 1961 when both countries started working together on the Jaldhaka Project. However, in 1987 the 336 MW Chukha Hydropower Project entirely funded by India on a 60:40 grant and loan basis came into operation and remained a milestone for both the countries.
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The project established a precedent for subsequent projects, including the 1,020 MW Tala Hydroelectric Project, which is ranked as one of the biggest joint ventures. It also used the same funding mechanism.
Bhutan’s rivers such as the Wangchu, Sankosh, and Manas have huge potential for the production of hydropower and India played a major role in the development of the hydropower industry of Bhutan. The agreement between India and Bhutan was formalised with the “2006 Agreement on Hydropower Cooperation”.
India and Bhutan signed an agreement in 2008 for the doubling of the capability for the production of hydropower from 5,000 MW to 10,000 MW by 2020. Punatsangchu I with 1,200 MW and Punatsangchu II with 1,020 MW are the ongoing projects. The 600 MW Kholongchhu Project was commissioned in 2020.
Hydropower contributes significantly to Bhutan’s economy, accounting for 63% of the country’s total exports. It also fulfils the power requirements for India. The Wangchu, Sankosh, and Manas rivers of Bhutan hold immense potential for the production of hydropower, and India played a major role in the industry’s development.
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India’s strategy in regional water diplomacy
Thus, India’s strategy for water diplomacy so far strikes a balance between regional cooperation and national interests. New Delhi’s dedication to planned water sharing mechanisms is demonstrated by treaties such as the Indus Waters Treaty, the Ganga Treaty, and the Mahakali Treaty. India’s position as an upstream state – in all the above cases – has not always translated into clear advantages or leverage.
Contrastingly, China’s reluctance to adhere to international regulations on water-sharing arrangements, as illustrated by the way it manages the Mekong River, complicates the matter. Such behaviour is consistent with the idea of hydro-hegemony where a dominant state in a shared river basin leverages its riparian position, economic and military power, and technological capabilities to assert control over water resources.
Given these challenges, New Delhi needs to bolster its diplomatic efforts to negotiate fair water-sharing arrangements with Beijing and strengthen existing frameworks with its neighbours in order to maintain a stable regional order.
Post Read Questions
How does India’s water diplomacy balance regional cooperation with national interests? Illustrated with some key treaties between India and its neighbouring countries.
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What challenges does India face as a lower riparian state in managing transboundary water resources?
Despite its upstream advantage, how has India’s water diplomacy not always resulted in strategic benefits?
How have India’s water-sharing agreements impacted Bhutan’s development?
How does China’s approach to managing the Mekong River differ from India’s approach to regional water-sharing?
(Anudeep Gujjeti is an Assistant Professor at the Center of Excellence for Geopolitics and International Studies, REVA University, Bengaluru.)
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