Can Modi’s Lanka visit help India reclaim fishing rights?

In 1974, India and Sri Lanka signed a maritime boundary agreement via an exchange of letters, placing Katchatheevu on Sri Lanka’s side of the International Maritime Boundary Line (IMBL). A 1976 pact then barred Indian fishermen from its waters, ending centuries of shared use. The Union government, under Indira Gandhi, called it a pragmatic fix to a colonial-era dispute, claiming that Katchatheevu’s ownership was never settled. Critics in Tamil Nadu, however, decry the lack of parliamentary consent—required under Article 368 for ceding territory—labelling it a constitutional overreach.

Also read: Modi, Stalin, Dissanayake should resolve fishermen issue: Lanka MP Ganesan

Stalin’s appeal to Modi

Tamil Nadu Chief Minister MK Stalin has thrust the issue back into the spotlight, writing a DO letter to Prime Minister Modi after the state Assembly’s unanimous resolution on April 2.

“I am writing to bring to your immediate attention the resolution passed by the Tamil Nadu Legislative Assembly on 02.04.2025 regarding the retrieval of Katchatheevu island to protect the traditional fishing rights of the Indian fishermen in the Palk Bay area,” Stalin stated. He highlighted Tamil Nadu’s opposition since 1974, when then-chief minister M Karunanidhi condemned the deal, and cited resolutions from 1974, 1991, 2013, and 2014. Noting that there have been 530 arrests of fishermen in 2024 and 147 in early 2025, he urged Modi to review the Indo-Sri Lankan Agreement, retrieve Katchatheevu, and secure the release of detained fishermen and their boats during his Sri Lanka visit, enclosing the resolution for weight.

Will Modi’s Lanka visit mark a turning point?

Modi’s visit to Sri Lanka on Saturday adds urgency to the debate. Announced by Sri Lankan President Anura Kumara Dissanayake on March 21, the trip, Modi’s first to the island nation since 2019, aims to finalise agreements from Dissanayake’s December 2024 Delhi visit, including a solar power plant launch in Sampur, Trincomalee. Posts on X suggest that Katchatheevu may feature, with some speculating a lease deal. Modi’s April 3 post on X, in which he said that both sides will “review the multifaceted India-Sri Lanka friendship”, also fuels hope, though no official agenda confirms any discussion on the Katchatheevu issue. Tamil Nadu sees it as a chance to press its case, with Stalin tying it to the fishermen’s release.

Also read: TN govt passes resolution to reclaim Katchatheevu, Opposition backs it

Reclaiming the island: A tall order

Can India take Katchatheevu back? Legally, it’s a long shot. The 1974 and 1976 agreements are binding under international law, reversible only with Sri Lanka’s consent or a ruling of invalidity—perhaps for bypassing Parliament—though proof is elusive. Sri Lanka views the island as sovereign turf, a stance solidified post-civil war. In 2010, it rejected Tamil Nadu’s demands, and in 2024, Sri Lankan Minister Jeevan Thondaman saw no shift in the stance. Former AG Mukul Rohatgi’s 2014 quip—“it would take war”—highlights the diplomatic hurdle. India could leverage its $4 billion 2022 aid to Sri Lanka to make a point, but unilateral moves risk regional fallout.

Fishing rights

If re-claiming Katchatheevu is improbable, fishing rights offer a more feasible target. The 1974 deal once allowed Indian fishermen to rest on the island, but the 1976 ban triggered arrests – 125 in 2024 alone. A new pact, like a joint fishing zone, could restore access within Sri Lanka’s Exclusive Economic Zone under UNCLOS. India might pitch it as a humanitarian fix, given fishermen’s reliance on these waters. Sri Lanka resists, citing overfishing by Indian trawlers and sovereignty concerns. Yet, with India’s economic clout and Modi’s visit, a deal pairing rights with aid—like sustainable gear—could emerge.

Also read: Congress, DMK’s ‘sin’ on Katchatheevu hidden for 4 decades till BJP brought it to light: Modi

A pending Supreme Court case also adds complexity. Petitions by former Tamil Nadu chief ministers J Jayalalithaa (2008) and Karunanidhi (substituted by TR Baalu in 2025) challenge the agreements’ legality, citing the Berubari precedent requiring parliamentary nod. The Union government insists no territory was ceded, as Katchatheevu status was disputed.

Jaishankar’s resolve

External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar has kept the issue alive, telling reporters on April 2, 2024, “We should get fishing rights. We need to sit with Sri Lankan authorities and sort it out.” Speaking in Parliament on March 27, he noted that 97 Indian fishermen were in custody in Sri Lanka, signalling the government’s intent to negotiate. While not a firm pledge, his words align with Tamil Nadu’s push and Modi’s visit, suggesting fishing rights as a priority over territorial claims.

Sri Lankan MP’s take

Mano Ganesan, a Sri Lankan MP, elaborated on the Katchatheevu issue by highlighting the practical realities of fishing patterns in the region.

“We used to see Indian fishermen fishing at Mannar area even without any binocular. It shows that giving back Katchatheevu is not a real solution for this issue since Indian fishermen came very close to our beaches,” he told The Federal.

Also read: As Digvijaya Singh asks ‘who lives on’ Katchatheevu, BJP hits back

This observation underscores his view that the territorial dispute over Katchatheevu is not the root of the problem.

“Tamil Nadu Chief Minister Stalin has the right to demand the return of Katchatheevu. I see it as a matter tied to India’s internal political scenario,” Ganesan said.

What’s the solution?

Ganesan positions himself as an observer rather than a participant in India’s internal debate, respecting the sovereignty of its political processes. He, however, offers a practical solution to the ongoing fishermen arrest issue.

“India should give training and vessels to their fishermen to do deep sea fishing. That is the only solution.”

This suggestion shifts the focus from territorial or shared access debates to a structural fix aimed at reducing Indian fishermen’s reliance on the shallow, contested waters of the Palk Strait. By equipping them with the skills and tools for deep-sea fishing, Ganesan says the government can help Tamil Nadu’s fishermen to sustainably operate farther from Sri Lanka’s shores, easing tensions over incursions into areas like Mannar or near Katchatheevu.

Also read: Why Indira Gandhi government was right on the Katchatheevu issue

‘Rigid maritime borders the culprit’

Maravanpulavu Sachchithananthan, a former UN official from Sri Lanka offers a fresh angle: “Katchatheevu itself isn’t the core issue – drawing rigid maritime borders is.” He points out that navies arresting fishermen for crossing into “common waters” is rare globally, citing Russia and Japan, where both sides fish without arrests.

As a solution, he says both Indian and Indian and Sri Lankan fishermen should be allowed to use Katchatheevu waters.

“The Palk Strait is a shared ecosystem, and fish don’t respect the IMBL. This aligns with historical use pre-1976 and could ease tensions without reopening territorial claims. However, implementation would need monitoring to prevent overfishing, a sticking point for Sri Lanka,” he tells The Federal.

The road ahead

Reclaiming Katchatheevu remains a distant dream, tangled in legal and diplomatic knots. Fishing rights, though, are within reach if Modi’s April 5 talks with Dissanayake yield a compromise. Sri Lanka’s economic woes and India’s regional heft could tip the scales, but local resistance and enforcement challenges loom. For Tamil Nadu’s fishermen, caught in a cycle of arrests and poverty, the visit offers hope – however slim – of a breakthrough. As Modi lands in Colombo, Katchatheevu fate hangs in the balance.