Hamas’ declaration that it won’t lay down its arms, even in the face of Arab League calls to do so, doesn’t help those arguing for the prioritization of civilian Palestinians either. Ordinary Gazans are caught between a militant Islamist group happy to trade their lives, and Israeli supremacists who see them as abettors of Hamas.
Meanwhile, accusing French President Emmanuel Macron and British Prime Minister Keir Starmer of antisemitism or of supporting terror is also absurd, especially considering both helped intercept ballistic missiles that Iran launched at Israel in April, Olmert explained. “Of course, the accusation of antisemitism is a weapon wielded by a self-righteous government. Netanyahu and the others in the coalition are using the allegation to try to defend themselves against justified accusations of using excessive force.”
Other critics of the Gaza campaign, like left-wing Israeli journalist and author Gideon Levy, also suspect the scattershot antisemitism allegations — which are broadly endorsed across Israeli society — displace a sense of guilt about what the country is doing. “Here we have the grandchildren of Holocaust survivors talking about transferring 2.3 million people, talking about it openly. You cannot digest it. So, you better deny it,” he said.
During his time in office, Olmert was responsible for negotiations around the establishment of a Palestinian state across more than 94 percent of the occupied West Bank and, arguably, he came closer than any other Israeli leader to pulling it off. However, Palestine Liberation Organization leader Mahmoud Abbas backed away from Olmert’s plan, feeling his Israeli interlocutor couldn’t deliver. And, indeed, Olmert resigned shortly after and was convicted of obstruction of justice and for accepting bribes during his time as trade minister and as mayor of Jerusalem.
Today, with nearly half-a-million Israeli settlers in the West Bank, Olmert’s plan would be far more hazardous for any Israeli government to try and pull off — even if it wanted to. Not that Netanyahu or his coalition partners have any interest in endorsing a genuine two-state deal. Even in February 2023, the most Netanyahu said he’d be willing to do is grant Palestinians autonomy but not sovereignty. And still, Israel would have to maintain full control over the West Bank’s security.
To hammer the point home, the Israeli Prime Minister’s been damning the Oslo process at every available opportunity, reiterating that it was all a terrible mistake and that there’s no one to negotiate with on the Palestinian side.
Olmert, for his part, believes there are Palestinian partners to negotiate with, but that Israel is constantly undermining moderate Palestinians. He’s also worried what comes next might be an annexation of Gaza and even the West Bank — something Netanyahu’s key right-wing partners have long advocated. And the only man he thinks can stop this happening is Trump.
“What’s happening is totally unacceptable and unforgivable. And at some point, Trump will have to intervene,” he said. “I don’t know if Trump has a heart. But something may force him to tell Netanyahu ‘enough is enough’ as that sentiment becomes more widespread in America.” But with Trump’s envoys praising Israel’s aid distribution in the enclave at the weekend — a view other traditional allies of Israel don’t share — that seems a dim prospect.